State-Minded and the Irony of Affirmative Action: When the SPMB Policy Erodes Private Schools
By:
*Masduki Duryat*
_(Deputy Chairman of the Indramayu Regency Education Council)_
There is something odd in the West Java education landscape today: the state is present with the noble intention of preventing children from dropping out of school, but instead has the potential to push aside its own strategic partners—private schools.
The latest policy in the SPMB for high school students, which increases study groups to 46 students and provides affirmative funding only to “remaining students” from the state selection, seems to reopen an old wound: the never-ending dichotomy between state and private schools.
*Discriminatory Affirmative Action*
Normatively, the provincial government’s policy to fund students who are not accepted into state schools is commendable as a form of state presence. However, the design of this policy is problematic. Why is affirmative funding only given to students who “failed” to enter state schools, while those who initially chose private schools are not given the same treatment?
This logic gives rise to veiled discrimination. The state indirectly sends the message that public schools are the primary choice and “entitled” to subsidies, while private schools are merely a last resort. Yet, within the framework of the national education system, private schools are an integral part of education delivery (National Education System Law No. 20/2003).
*Negeri-Minded as a Social Construct*
The “negeri-minded” phenomenon is not simply a societal preference, but rather a social construct produced by the policy itself. As the state continues to expand the capacity of public schools—even by breaching the ideal class size—the public perception will only strengthen that public schools are the only rational path.
In rural areas like Indramayu and Majalengka, this reality is more complex. Small, foundation-based private schools lack the financial resilience of those in larger cities. When student input continues to erode, not only does quality decline, but the very existence of the institution is threatened.
*Overcapacity and the Illusion of Equity*
The policy of increasing capacity by 50,000 students by increasing class sizes from 36 to 46 students may seem like a quick fix, but it is actually pedagogically problematic. National education standards clearly set the ideal limit for the number of students per class to ensure effective learning.
Overcrowded classes have the potential to reduce the quality of teacher-student interactions, increase teacher workloads, and weaken the differentiated approach to learning. In the long term, this contradicts the spirit of improving educational quality, which was the spirit of the previous zoning policy (OECD, 2019).
*Policy Paradox: Inclusion or Exclusion?*
On the one hand, the government wants to ensure that no child drops out of school. However, on the other hand, this policy creates new exclusions for private schools. The SSK (Swasta Kerjasama) program, which should be a bridge for collaboration, is in fact threatened with losing relevance due to a drastically reduced student supply.
This paradox demonstrates an incoherence in public policy design. Instead of building a collaborative education ecosystem, this policy actually reinforces unhealthy competition between the public and private sectors.
*Equitable Access vs. Ecosystem Equity*
From a public policy perspective, there are two dimensions of equity that must be maintained: equitable access and equitable ecosystem equity. The current SPMB policy focuses too much on individual student access, while ignoring the sustainability of the education ecosystem as a whole.
If private schools continue to weaken, the state will bear a much greater burden in the future. Historically, the private sector has been an important buffer in addressing the limited capacity of public schools.
*Learning from the Past*
A similar policy, with classes of up to 50 students, was ultimately criticized for reducing the quality of learning. Repeating the old policy without comprehensive evaluation is a step backward in education governance.
Furthermore, the experience of implementing zoning shows that equitable access is not sufficient simply by distributing students; it must be accompanied by equitable quality. Enlarging class sizes is not the answer to quality disparities.
*Towards Collaborative Equitable Policies*
The solution to this problem is not to aggressively increase state capacity, but rather to build equal partnerships with private schools. Provincial governments need to redesign inclusive affirmative action schemes—for example, by providing student-based funding that applies to both public and private schools.
Furthermore, strengthening the SSK program must be a priority, not merely a complement. The state needs to view private schools not as competitors, but as co-producers in improving the nation’s intellectual life.
*Conclusion: Avoiding Policy Shortcuts*
Education policy should not be based on
focusing on short-term logic or simply populist responses. Adding classes and providing selective affirmative action may seem like solutions, but they have the potential to create larger structural problems.
If West Java wants to become a province with a superior and inclusive education system, the public-private dichotomy must end. Not by enlarging one and diminishing the other, but by establishing equitable justice throughout the education ecosystem. Because ultimately, the quality of education is not determined by the status of an institution, but by the alignment of fair and visionary policies.
Ed, June 23, 2026
——
