A MORAL MESSAGE FROM THE PLOSO AND BUNTET ISLAMIC BOARDING SCHOOL Amidst the PBNU ELITE CONFLICT IN FRONT OF THE CONGREGATION
By: H. Adlan Daie
Political and socio-religious analyst
From the Ploso Islamic boarding school in Kediri, on November 29, 2025, the charismatic NU kiai elders sent the call for “Islah,” a meaningful and meaningful moral message to address the moral deficit among the PBNU elite who were engaged in conflict in front of the congregation.
From the Buntet Islamic boarding school in Cirebon, the cultural mecca of NU in West Java, during the 21st Haul of KH. Fuad Hasyim, on November 29, 2025, the moral voice grew louder. Gus Fariz, one of KH. Fuad Hasyim’s sons, was beginning to grow weary of the escalating conflict within the PBNU in the public sphere, risking NU’s reputation as a mass organization. Islam.
The Ploso Islamic Boarding School in Kediri and the Buntet Islamic Boarding School in Cirebon are two “historical” and “iconic” Islamic boarding schools that represent the cultural representation of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). The NU socio-cultural ecosystem, as studied by Dr. Zamakhsyari Dhofir, was formed from the pesantren network, which was then structurally constructed as a “jam’iyah” (organization) known as the Islamic mass organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU).
NU’s cultural strength preceded its structural strength. The structural existence of the NU jam’iyah is entirely supported by the pesantren’s social ecosystem. The structural NU is “subsidized” by the wealth and assets of the NU cultural network, not nurtured by the “swing” of oligarchic political power.
Therefore, the moral message of the elders in Ploso and the strong voices from Buntet above must be interpreted as meaning that the escalation of conflict within the PBNU elite can no longer be simply read as normal, as if it were commonplace in NU tradition, from “gegeran” to “ger geran.” This is a manipulative way of entertaining oneself. Not being a role model for the community.
The current internal conflict within the PBNU elite has reached “stage 4,” where they are exposing each other’s “shames,” and undermining each other’s credibility in the public sphere. This is clearly not only of no benefit to the community, but also of a destructive influence on the community’s spiritual well-being.
This clearly risks the dignity and honor of NU as an Islamic organization, where the power and strength of PBNU’s mandate are mandated to guide the moral example of the community, the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) members.
The leadership of the PBNU elite, which tends towards “Attakatsur,” and is ambitious for absolute control of the organization, has led NU to nearly fall into “Almaqobir,” a pit of disgrace. At the very least, its moral fabric is on the verge of collapse and disintegration.
Frankly, the current internal conflict within PBNU has stemmed from the “conception” of the 34th NU Congress in Lampung in 2021. The election of KH. Miftahul Akhyar as Rois Am and Gus Yahya’s appointment as Chairman of the PBNU (National Nahdlatul Ulama Executive Board) left a moral problem for NU as a “jam’iyah,” an Islamic mass organization.
The election of KH. Miftahul Akhyar and Gus Yahya to the top positions of the PBNU elite was interpreted by the public, at least in the author’s analysis, as a “political operation” of reckless power intertwined with President Jokowi’s political interests at the time, projecting the 2024 presidential election. NU became an electoral support system.
The moral mandate of voters at the Congress was subverted by the “Beko” machine of power. Strong structural formalities but a deficit in moral legitimacy.
Prof. Nadirsyah Husen’s statement on social media that KH. Said Aqil Sirodj’s candidacy was intended to be curtailed in various ways is an indicative variable that the 2021 NU Congress in Lampung lacked cultural morality within NU.
The PBNU regime during the era of the Rois Am duo KH. Miftahul Akhyar and Chairman Gus Yahya, with the operational support system of the Secretary General The PBNU (Nahdlatul Ulama) truly dominates with its “political party” gestures, as if it were a contestant in an election.
This is precisely what Gus Salam, grandson of one of NU’s founders, KH. Bisri Syansuri, has repeatedly criticized for its tendency to engage in overly vulgar and explosive practical politics.
Even from the perspective of KH Imam Jazuli, the caretaker of the Bina Insan Mulia Islamic boarding school in Cirebon, the PBNU regime during the era of Rois Am, KH. Miftahul Ahyar, and General Chairman Gus Yahya, he believes was not only politically pragmatic but also opportunistic in the oligarchic relationship between political power and the economic epocenter.
According to KH Imam Jazuli, today’s PBNU elite are “undermining the strong morals exemplified by the muassis,” he wrote in his article titled “Nahdliyah Zionism and the Urgency of Rois Am Resigning” (“Disway id”, 8/9/2025).
The author deliberately reiterates the election of the two PBNU elites mentioned above, along with the PBNU leadership regime they established. Viewing NU as a political “subcontract” will result in it being held hostage by the oligarchy of political power, potentially creating conflicting factions within PBNU, and eroding its independence as a mass organization supported by strong cultural roots within the community.
Amidst the current PBNU internal conflict, which is clearly visible in the community’s view, it is difficult for PBNU to maintain the morale of the community. There is no other way but to expedite the NU Congress by a “cesarean section” with a clear awareness of two things:
First, NU is an Islamic organization, with a distinct “gesture” unlike other Islamic organizations, which are generally formed first structurally and then develop structured charitable endeavors. NU, on the other hand, does the opposite. NU’s social ecosystem was formed through the tradition of Islamic boarding school networks, then structured into organizational formalism for tactical purposes in relations with other parties.
NU’s cultural strength precedes and outweighs its structural strength. It’s crucial to maintain this awareness that NU’s growth and expansion, even under pressure from the New Order regime, stemmed from the resilience of its constituents, not from being “pulled up” by the authorities, although this doesn’t necessarily mean refusing to cooperate without sacrificing NU’s principles as a “jam’iyah” (organization).
Second, NU must reaffirm its commitment to returning to the “1926 khittah” (Islamic principles) as an Islamic organization. It should not merely refrain from engaging in practical politics and maintain an equitable distance from all political forces, but rather, firmly stand firm in the principle of “tawashut” (political tolerance), standing in the middle ground between the interests of the people and the interests of the state.
Gus Dur, as the general chairman of the PBNU, almost perfectly embodied the principle of “tawashut” in this context. Gus Dur harshly criticized President Suharto when the state he led became too strong, tending to coerce the people, and the state acted recklessly towards them.
Conversely, when President Suharto was weakened by public pressure (1998), Gus Dur visited President Suharto for political balance. He argued that if the state were too weak, there was a high potential for destructive, grassroots anarchy and a massive escalation.
This principle of “tawashut” (religious tolerance) is almost “dead” in the current PBNU regime. Ironically, the “trio” of the PBNU’s epocenter: Rois Am, the general chairman, and the secretary-general, who once collaborated, have now become the three central points of the PBNU’s internal conflict. Gus Fariz requested that these three be “removed” from the PBNU structure.
Hopefully, the conflict within the PBNU elite will not escalate further, and the people will not be further oppressed.**
Indonesia, December 4, 2025
Regards.
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