PRABOWO’S DESIRE FOR THE 2029 REGIONAL ELECTIONS TO BE RETURNED TO THE REGIONAL COUNCIL, THE ERA OF DECEITIVE IMAGE-MAKING LEADERS IS OVER
By: H. Adlan Daie
Political and socio-religious analyst
The 2029 regional elections will again be elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD), instead of directly elected by the people. This is President Prabowo’s political desire. Therefore, according to Bahlil Lahadalia, chairman of the Golkar Party, the chance of holding them in 2029 is 99.9% certain, “almost certain,” Bahlil said.
This is the era, to quote Taufan Teguh Akbari, a lecturer, in his article in Kompascom (5/12/2025), of “Image Apocalypse, the end of deceitful image-making leaders” – if in 2029 regional elections are returned to being elected by the Regional People’s Representative Council.
Changing the regional head election system from “direct” election to the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) does not require an amendment to the 1945 Constitution; it simply requires an agreement between the lawmakers, namely the President and the House of Representatives (DPR RI). Prabowo, as President and leader of a coalition with 70% of the DPR RI’s seats, would have relatively easy access.
Several indicative variables strongly suggest that the 2029 regional elections will be returned to DPRD elections:
First, the authority of regional heads has begun to be “stripped down” by the Central Government, especially following the enactment of the “Job Creation” Law, which transferred 18 licensing items previously under regional authority to the central government. This process of “re-centralization” is gaining momentum.
Furthermore, the DPR RI (Commission II) is currently in the process of revising the Civil Servant Law. One of the articles to be revised is that promotions and transfers of Regional Secretaries and Heads of Departments in the regions are no longer determined by the Regional Head but are directly controlled by the President.
Second, regional fiscal capacity has begun to be weakened by the Central Government through cuts to Regional Transfer Funds (TKD), while the budgets of Ministries and Institutions (K/L) for regional interests have been “increased” exponentially.
Even in the study of Prof. Djohermansyah, Professor of the National Institute of Public Administration (IPDN) and former Director General of Regional Autonomy at the Ministry of Home Affairs, the “luxury” of regional heads discussing budgets with the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD) remains only a “trifle.” This is because the General Allocation Fund (DAU) “feels like” Special Allocation Fund (DAK), regulated very technically and rigidly by the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Considering the two indicative variables above, Prof. Djohermansyah’s question about “Is Regional Autonomy Still Existing?” as reported in “Kompas.com” (March 14, 2024) can be answered unequivocally: “None,” except for the remaining 20%, the rest being “selfies,” bragging about protocol rights, etc.
This means that with the reduction in regional heads’ authority and fiscal capacity, and the rigid regulation by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the existence of regional heads is like “half their soul is missing,” like a sub-district head being tightly and technically regulated by the Ministry of Home Affairs’ bureaucratic control.
The political construction above seeks to explain that it is wasteful to “throw” money on direct regional elections and the accompanying social costs, as whoever is elected doesn’t have the authority to justify the cost of political legitimacy.
The costs of regional elections, borne by the state for facilitation and by candidates for election, are enormous, but once elected and inaugurated, their authority and fiscal capacity are insufficient to fulfill their political promises.
It is from this perspective that we understand the rationale for returning the 2029 regional elections to the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD). Besides being simpler and less draining on public energy in political wrangling, the key point is that regional heads no longer have “full power,” as their authority and fiscal capacity are narrowed and “stripped” by the central government.
Pros and cons are certain to arise from the 2029 regional elections being chosen by the DPRD. Not only will the era of “deceptive” leader image politics end, but survey institutions will lose their largest political market. Volunteers and campaign teams will be “laid off” without severance pay. That is the cost of political policy.
Regarding the 2029 legislative elections, according to the updated draft of the Election Bill that I have, the open-list system and majority vote system remain “fixed,” with the possibility of slight changes to the electoral district (Dapil) format. Perhaps this is part of the political deal to return the regional elections to the Regional People’s Representative Council (DPRD).
Politics is “the art of the possible,” a policy of possibility, always open to the possibility that the scenario of the 2029 regional elections being re-elected by the DPRD could be thwarted as long as there is a large and massive upheaval of rejection from democracy activists and civil coalition components. Let’s wait and see. **
Indonesia, December 9, 2025
Wassalam
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