*WHY IS THE NU CONGRESS ALWAYS INTERESTING IN THE EYES OF OBSERVERS?, ANALYSIS OF THE 35TH NU CONGRESS, AUGUST 2026*
By: H. Adlan Daie
Political analyst, Secretary General of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) of Indramayu Regency.
Mitsuo Nakamura, an anthropologist and the first foreign researcher to officially participate as an “observer” at the NU Congress, was shocked upon witnessing the dynamics of the 26th NU Congress in 1979 in Semarang—47 years ago.
The NU Congress, the highest forum for the Ulama community, is always fascinating to observe. While outwardly perceived as “rural” (traditionalist, agrarian, rural), Mitsuo Nakamura observed that NU harbors a dynamic movement, a surprise that is difficult for “outsiders,” even (perhaps) those who claim to be “NU administrators.”
The relevant question is whether the 35th NU Congress in August 2026, amidst the disharmony between the Rois Am and the General Chairperson of the PBNU, will present the aforementioned surprise phenomenon, or what foreign and national observers call an “element of surprise,” an unexpected surprise?
At the 1979 NU Congress, KH Idham Khalid, the incumbent General Chairperson of the PBNU at the time, was predicted not to be re-elected by the “Muktamirin” (Congress participants). Their choice was more subject to the authority of the NU kiai, the “majority shareholders” of the NU organization.
This was because the NU kiai were at odds politically with KH Idham Kholid, who was also the General Chairperson of the PPP (United Development Party). The NU kiai accused KH Idham Kholid of exploiting NU for the benefit of the NU political elite in Jakarta.
KH Idham Kholid’s opening speech at the NU Congress, as analyzed by Mitsuo Nakamura, successfully won over the NU kiai who opposed him. An excerpt from KH Idham Kholid’s opening speech (roughly) reads as follows:
“I sincerely apologize for the mistakes and shortcomings that occurred during my leadership. I invite all participants of the Congress and the kiai to always guide me in making improvements for a better future for NU,” said KH Idham Khalid (quoted from Greg Fealy’s book, 1997).
In Gus Dur’s analysis in the daily newspaper “Kompas” (1979), although he did not fully agree with Mitsuo Nakamura’s views, Gus Dur acknowledged that KH Idham Kholid’s re-election as Chairman of the PBNU at the Congress was due to one thing: KH Idham Kholid’s skill in manipulating the Congress to enhance the prestige of senior NU kiai.
Twelve years earlier, the 24th NU Congress in 1967 in Bandung also presented an unexpected surprise when KH Bisri Syansuri was elected by the “Muktamirin” as Rois Am of the PBNU, beating KH Wahab Hasbullah, his brother-in-law, the incumbent Rois Am at the time.
KH Bisri Syansuri refused without reservation. He reasoned that he would never agree to serve as Rois Am of the PBNU as long as KH Wahab Hasbullah remained “Sugeng”—still present, despite the health emergency. This was a political event difficult to comprehend through the logic of political “modernism.”
Gus Dur’s election as Chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) for the third time at the 29th NU Congress in 1994 in Cipasung, Tasikmalaya, amidst systemic pressure from the New Order regime, and the resignation of KH Mustopa Bisri (Gus Mus) after being elected as Rois Am of the PBNU at the 33rd NU Congress in 2015 in Jombang, was a continuation of a series of surprises at NU Congresses.
The point to be emphasized from these unexpected surprises at almost every NU Congress is that NU is difficult to summarize in a single, conclusive definition, difficult to explain through a rigid, inflexible, and singular formula. That’s what makes the NU Congress “sexy” and interesting in the eyes of observers.
Politically, NU’s consistency lies in its inconsistency, not its “bad” choices from the perspective of NU’s jurisprudence paradigm. For example, to cite some of the fiqh maxims, “Al-hukmu yaduru ma’al illlah wujudan wa ‘adaman” and “Dar ul mafasid muqaddam ‘ala jalbil masholih.”
The perspective of the aforementioned fiqh maxims provides religious legitimacy for NU, stating that changes in political views and attitudes depend on “illat” or “cause” and the prioritization of the benefit (maslahah) as long as they are based on the principle of “maqasidusy syariah” (maqasidusy syariah), bound by the ultimate goal of sharia, namely “manutun bil maslahah,” the interests of the benefit (maslahah).
That is the difference between NU’s flexible, flexible, and elastic political character, diametrically opposed to the political character of “modernist Islam,” which emphasizes certainty, consistency, rigidity, and uncompromising, or “black and white.” The political dynamics of “modernist Islam” are easily predictable.
Conversely, to borrow Robin Bush’s analogy (1999), NU is adept at playing the “dance” so that it is difficult to pin down. This is NU, not only interesting to observe, but also a unique defense mechanism that allows this organization not only to survive but also to evolve with the pulse of relevance of the times.
Gus Dur is an “iconic” and “historical” figure within NU who almost perfectly played an elastic role the political gestures of NU, as mentioned above, not only demonstrate their skill in tactically navigating the organization’s rhythm, but also their courage in presenting unexpected ideas in the public sphere.
When Gus Dur, at the 27th NU Congress in 1984, pioneered NU’s adoption of Pancasila as its sole principle, outsiders derided him as an opportunistic choice, following Soeharto’s indoctrination. However, when Gus Dur “opposed” Soeharto, who was bringing Islam through the Indonesian Muslim Brotherhood (ICMI) into the sphere of power, they were actually “stuttering” about NU.
It is within NU’s dramaturgy, within the context of the NU Congress, that the final outcome becomes unpredictable. Therefore, the dynamics of the candidacy of the “candidates” in the projected 35th NU Congress in August 2026 cannot be interpreted from a single perspective. In NU’s dramaturgy, anything can happen at an unexpected moment.
Our hope is that “key” figures like Gus Ipul, Gus Muhaimin, Gus Yahya, Nusron Wahid, and others will not only be skilled at orchestrating Gus Dur’s “play” in the context of the upcoming 35th NU Congress in August 2026, but will also possess tactical courage in NU’s choices in its relations with political regimes.
In other words, whoever is elected Rois Am and General Chairperson of the PBNU at the 35th NU Congress in August 2026, to quote Fahri Ali, will be too costly for NU, with its hundreds of millions of followers. If NU merely follows the currents of the ruling elite, it must become a crucial variable in determining the direction of the nation’s direction. Let’s wait.
Wassalam.
Indramayu, May 10, 2026
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